منبع :http://www.israelifrontline.com/2013/06/rohani-in-1986-west-too-soft-on-khomeini.html
Rohani in 1986: West too soft on Khomeini
1994 Yedioth Ahronoth piece features revelations regarding true colors
of Iran's elusive president-elect
Ron Ben Yishai
Published: 06.26.13, 17:23 / Israel News
On August 30, 1986, a secret meeting took place in Paris between Amiram
Nir, the counterterrorism advisor to the Israeli prime minister, and Dr.
Hassan Rohani, then deputy head of Iranian parliament and the secretary
of the country's national security committee.
Eight years later, Yedioth Ahronoth military pundit Ron Ben Yishai
published the transcript of the conversation, which has suddenly grown
in relevance in view of Rohani's election to Iranian presidency. It sees
the president-elect a canny politician willing to tell everyone just
what they want to hear to achieve his goals. What follows is the full
piece from 1994.
Past Tragedy
Son's suicide is Rohani's dark secret / Shmuel Sasoni
'I hate your government, lies, corruption, religion,' read note
published in London by exiled pundit, while domestic press attributed
tragedy to romantic misadventure
Full Story
Dr. Hassan Rohani is a very canny, clever man. Otherwise it's impossible
to comprehend how he got where he did without being a cleric. He's the
general secretary of the Higher Committee for Iran's National Security,
and deputy Head of Parliament. He is among the very few whose standing
actually improved since Ayatollah Khomeini seized power in 1979.
Very few outside Iran know anything about him. He is careful to remain
behind the scenes, and shuns the press as if it were a disease. Yet when
Iran President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani needs someone to carry out a
sensitive diplomatic mission or fix an urgent security issue, Rohani is
his man.
Of late Rohani has been in charge of the revival of the "strategic
partnership" with Syria, which has deteriorated because of Hafez Assad's
rift with Hezbollah. Syria, engaged in a concerted effort to see its
name taken off Washington's blacklist of states that support terror, is
going tough on the operatives of Hezbollah, Iran's key ally, at
Lebanon's Beqaa Valley.
Iran, worried about the firmness of its hold over Lebanon, came to
Hezbollah's assistance and sent Rohani on a mission to Damascus. He met
with Assad and delivered to him personal communications from the Iranian
leadership, including an invitation to visit Tehran.
At that time he also met with top Hezbollah officials and Palestinian
resistance groups, to cheer their spirits. He promised them Iran would
not desert them and keep giving them assistance and funding so they
accelerate their terrorist warfare against Israel.
At first glance there's nothing out of the ordinary here. Yet the report
about the visit of the Iranian envoy, a report that grabbed headlines
in Syrian and Lebanese press about a month ago, reminded me of a tiny
tape which I had the opportunity to listen to and transcribe.
The soloist is none other than Rohani himself, yet he's singing a
totally different tune: "The Ayatollahs and the Revolutionary Guards
sent about $3 million to Lebanon, while we in Iran barely have money for
the most urgent sustenance and security needs. They gathered all the
Lebanese mullahs and promised them to turn Lebanon into an Islamic
republic. What nonsense! I tried to put an end to this but failed."
רוחאני (במרכז) אחרי בחירתו. "ניסיתי לעצור את הכסף ללבנון" (צילום: AP)
Rohani after his election to Iranian presidency (Photo: AP)
These words of sacrilege were uttered by Rohani about eight years ago,
on August 30, 1986, in a meeting between him and the late Amiram Nir,
who then was the counterterrorism advisor to the Israeli prime minister.
The fact of the meeting was never reported. Present at the meeting at a
Parisian hotel, together with Nir and Rohani, was one Manucher
Ghorbanifar, a prominent Iranian arms dealer living in Europe.
Ghorbanifar's record included brokering a few weapons-for-hostages deals
involving Israel and the US; the most high-profile of those was the
Iran–Contra Affair, or Irangate, which saw accusations that the Reagan
Administration secretly facilitated the sale of arms to Iran – the
subject of an arms embargo under the US Arms Export Control Act (AECA).
Ghorbanifar had excellent contacts with the Iranian leadership and had
no trouble organizing a secret gathering at Nir's request. These were
the days when the US-Israel-Iran triangle reached a deadlock and the
Americans lost faith in Ghorbanifar and were looking for alternative
contacts for talks with the Ayatollahs.
Yet the wily Ghorbanifar was no quitter: he knew Nir's interest in the
Irangate case had less to do with his desire to set American prisoner
free, but rather lay in the strategic aspect. Nir was a firm believer in
reinstating the strategic ties between the US, Israel and Iran and to
reverse things to how they were during the Shah rule.
In order to achieve that he knew he must assist Iranian moderates
establish a strong underground, which will eventually overthrow the rule
of the Ayatollahs. Ghorbanifar knew about Rohani then what most still
don't know about him to this day. Because of that, and to prove his own
worth as a broker, he proposed to arrange a meeting between the two.
Rohani was then the Iranian deputy chair of parliament, and Rafsanjani's
right hand man; he came to Paris as the head of a diplomatic
delegation. Yet at Ghorbanifar's request he remained in Paris for a few
additional days to meet Nir. There was never a great risk from the
Israeli perspective, as Ghorbanifar never told the Iranians Nir was
Israeli. Rohani was told he was a White House national security
official. He was also made to believe that "boss" Rafsanjani approved of
the rendezvous with "the American official," hoping that a
rapprochement with the US would spell renewal of weapons supplies, of
which Iran, amid armed conflict with neighboring Iraq, was badly in
need.
Nir came to the meeting equipped not only with an American identity, but
with a microtape for recording the conversation. Ghorbanifar opened the
meeting, saying in English "I explained to Dr. Rohani that you're from
the White House, a special envoy to the Middle East, and he's happy to
meet you."
Nir said "please tell Dr. Rohani I greatly appreciate his willingness to
prolong his stay at Paris to serve the interests of both sides. I thank
him, both in my name and in the names of my superiors, for his
positions and his largeness of spirit."
Rohani: "I understand English, yet unfortunately can't speak it. Thus
Ghorbanifar will translate what I say. Please, treat this meeting as a
private matter. Very private. I'm not speaking for my government. This
convention is against all logic. Yet, because I believe in Ghorbanifar, I
agreed to meet with you. I hope it will help.
"I feel very uncomfortable over Imam Khomeini's extremist speech
yesterday," Rohani added, "I think it was his most hard-line speech
since he seized power. He demanded to break and cut into pieces all
those who don't hold with his extremist anti-American stance, but it's
your fault: you Americans sit and watch what goes on between us and Iraq
and do nothing to help us. You won't get a thing from Iran until you
start moving about and supply us what we need."
At this point, however, Rohani admitted: "It should be clear to you that
what I said now is what Rafsanjani demands I say. If I will not do so,
it will be the end of me. Of late, we're led by extremists such as
Khomeini and his son. I'm surrounded by guards. I want nothing to
myself, least of all money, as I can't spend it in my position: it would
draw suspicion. I'm seeking what's best for my country. You should know
who you are dealing with."
"If you analyze Khomeini's character you'll see that a strong opponent
makes him go 100 feet back; while a weak one impels him to drive
forward. Unfortunately, you've taken the wrong stance: you are too soft
on him. Had you been tougher, you'd be in a position of superiority. You
didn't show power."
All the moderates in my country are walking a thin line. We can't meet
with you every week. Not even every month. We are ready for a real
cooperation with you, but first you'll have to help us nurture the true
Islam in our country, and for that we need your money and assistance to
finish the war with Iraq."
Nir: I thank you for your honesty. No one will learn of this
conversation. Only two persons in my country know about it. Yet you
should know that we come with an open mind and an open heart to all
concerns Iran. We shouldn't delve on past mistakes, yours or ours. We
must look forward. It's clear Iran has no future unless it reconnects
with the West. Just as it's clear we are intensely invested in the
Iranian issue. We have great respect for the Iranian people. We have
great respect for the Iranian revolution. But we wish to help you, the
moderates, to help yourselves. Tell me what you think is necessary and
I'll see what we can do."
"First and foremost you should stand strong against Khomeini; maintain a
hard line," Rohani said.
Nir: "Lebanon, for instance, is one front where we'll try to stymie
Khomeini's line. We'll do it immediately.
Rohani: "This is good. The Ayatollahs and the Revolutionary Guards sent
about $3 million to Lebanon, while we in Iran barely have money for the
most urgent sustenance and security needs. They gathered all the
Lebanese mullahs and promised them to turn Lebanon into an Islamic
republic. What nonsense! I tried to stop this but couldn't. Unless you
show your teeth against Khomeini you'll have trouble all over the world.
If you threaten him with your military might he'll kiss your hand and
run away."
Nir: "Where should we display our power?"
Rohani: "If, for instance, you tell him 'You must release all the war
prisoners in Lebanon within five days. Should you fail to do so, we'll
launch a military strike against you and you'll shoulder the blame.'"
Nir: "We're an empire. At times, we're slow. But you've seen how we
acted in Libya. But we believe that use of force would drive Iran into
the hands of the Russians."
Rohani: "You should resort to Muslim propaganda against Khomeini through
Pakistan and Turkey." (As the US is doing today).
At this point Nir announces he's going to the bathroom. He flips the
tape in the recording device and returns to the room. The conversation
turns to issues of regional strategy; it is clear Nir and Rohani have
found a common language.
As the meeting approached close, Nir inquired "how can we help those in
Iran who believe its future lies in an alliance with the West?"
Rohani: "You could write a book on the subject. But the best way would
be that I return to Iran and speak with people close to Ayatollah
Montazeri. We'll work out a plan and I'll return to you with an answer.
But I want to know you're serious. I don't believe you really want to
help us. While Khomeini and his people are strong there will be no
rapprochement with the West."
This is where the cat got out of the bag. At that time Ayatollah
Montazeri was the main candidate to inherit the mantle of the terminally
ill Khomeini. He was the architect of the contacts with Israel and the
US. Rohani apparently tried to help Montazeri in the power struggles
that were, and still are, taking place within Iranian leadership.
Yet none of Rohani's plans came to fruition, as the Irangate scandal
broke out, which put an end to Montazeri's ambitions and Rohani's
efforts to promote him. After Khomeini's death the Ayatollahs appointed
extremist Ali Khamenei – who rules the country to this very day – as his
successor.
Amiram Nir quit his post after the Irangate scandal, and took a career
turn toward business. He was killed in 1988 in a helicopter accident in
Mexico, and some claimed he paid with his life for knowing too much
about the involvement of George Bush Sr. in the weapons scanda
++++++++++++++++++++++++++
http://www.chroniques-persanes.com/2013_06_01_archive.html
On August 30, 1986, a
secret meeting took place in Paris between Amiram Nir, the
counterterrorism advisor to the Israeli prime minister, and Dr. Hassan
Rouhani, then deputy head of Iranian parliament and the secretary of the
country's national security committee.
Eight years later,
Yedioth Ahronoth military pundit Ron Ben Yishai published the transcript
of the conversation, which has suddenly grown in relevance in view of
Rohani's election to Iranian presidency. It sees the president-elect a
canny politician willing to tell everyone just what they want to hear to
achieve his goals. What follows is the full piece from 1994.
Dr. Hassan
Rohani is a very canny, clever man. Otherwise it's impossible to
comprehend how he got where he did without being a cleric. He's the
general secretary of the Higher Committee for Iran's National Security,
and deputy Head of Parliament. He is among the very few whose standing
actually improved since Ayatollah Khomeini seized power in 1979.
Very few outside Iran know
anything about him. He is careful to remain behind the scenes, and
shuns the press as if it were a disease. Yet when Iran President Akbar
Hashemi Rafsanjani needs someone to carry out a sensitive diplomatic
mission or fix an urgent security issue, Rohani is his man.
Of late Rohani has been in charge of the revival of the "strategic partnership" with Syria, which has deteriorated because of Hafez Assad's rift with Hezbollah.
Syria, engaged in a concerted effort to see its name taken off
Washington's blacklist of states that support terror, is going tough on
the operatives of Hezbollah, Iran's key ally, at Lebanon's Beqaa Valley.
Iran, worried about the firmness of its
hold over Lebanon, came to Hezbollah's assistance and sent Rohani on a
mission to Damascus. He met with Assad and delivered to him personal
communications from the Iranian leadership, including an invitation to
visit Tehran.
At that time he also met with top
Hezbollah officials and Palestinian resistance groups, to cheer their
spirits. He promised them Iran would not desert them and keep giving
them assistance and funding so they accelerate their terrorist warfare
against Israel.
At first glance there's nothing out of
the ordinary here. Yet the report about the visit of the Iranian envoy, a
report that grabbed headlines in Syrian and Lebanese press about a
month ago, reminded me of a tiny tape which I had the opportunity to
listen to and transcribe.
The soloist is none other than Rohani himself, yet he's singing a
totally different tune: "The Ayatollahs and the Revolutionary Guards
sent about $3 million to Lebanon, while we in Iran barely have money for
the most urgent sustenance and security needs. They gathered all the
Lebanese mullahs and promised them to turn Lebanon into an Islamic
republic. What nonsense! I tried to put an end to this but failed."
These words of sacrilege were uttered by Rohani about eight years ago,
on August 30, 1986, in a meeting between him and the late Amiram Nir,
who then was the counterterrorism advisor to the Israeli prime minister.
The fact of the meeting was never reported. Present at the meeting at a
Parisian hotel, together with Nir and Rohani, was one Manucher
Ghorbanifar, a prominent Iranian arms dealer living in Europe.
Ghorbanifar's record included brokering a few weapons-for-hostages deals
involving Israel and the US; the most high-profile of those was the
Iran–Contra Affair, or Irangate, which saw accusations that the Reagan
Administration secretly facilitated the sale of arms to Iran – the
subject of an arms embargo under the US Arms Export Control Act (AECA).
Ghorbanifar had excellent contacts with the Iranian leadership and had
no trouble organizing a secret gathering at Nir's request. These were
the days when the US-Israel-Iran triangle reached a deadlock and the
Americans lost faith in Ghorbanifar and were looking for alternative
contacts for talks with the Ayatollahs.
Yet the wily Ghorbanifar was no quitter: he knew Nir's interest in the
Irangate case had less to do with his desire to set American prisoner
free, but rather lay in the strategic aspect. Nir was a firm believer in
reinstating the strategic ties between the US, Israel and Iran and to
reverse things to how they were during the Shah rule.
In order to achieve that he knew he must assist Iranian moderates
establish a strong underground, which will eventually overthrow the rule
of the Ayatollahs. Ghorbanifar knew about Rohani then what most still
don't know about him to this day. Because of that, and to prove his own
worth as a broker, he proposed to arrange a meeting between the two.
Rohani was then the Iranian deputy chair of parliament, and Rafsanjani's
right hand man; he came to Paris as the head of a diplomatic
delegation. Yet at Ghorbanifar's request he remained in Paris for a few
additional days to meet Nir. There was never a great risk from the
Israeli perspective, as Ghorbanifar never told the Iranians Nir was
Israeli. Rohani was told he was a White House national security
official. He was also made to believe that "boss" Rafsanjani approved of
the rendezvous with "the American official," hoping that a
rapprochement with the US would spell renewal of weapons supplies, of
which Iran, amid armed conflict with neighboring Iraq, was badly in
need.
Nir came to the meeting equipped not only with an American identity, but
with a microtape for recording the conversation. Ghorbanifar opened the
meeting, saying in English "I explained to Dr. Rohani that you're from
the White House, a special envoy to the Middle East, and he's happy to
meet you."
Nir said "please tell Dr. Rohani I greatly appreciate his willingness to
prolong his stay at Paris to serve the interests of both sides. I thank
him, both in my name and in the names of my superiors, for his
positions and his largeness of spirit."
Rohani: "I understand English, yet unfortunately can't speak it. Thus
Ghorbanifar will translate what I say. Please, treat this meeting as a
private matter. Very private. I'm not speaking for my government. This
convention is against all logic. Yet, because I believe in Ghorbanifar, I
agreed to meet with you. I hope it will help.
"I feel very uncomfortable over Imam Khomeini's extremist speech
yesterday," Rohani added, "I think it was his most hard-line speech
since he seized power. He demanded to break and cut into pieces all
those who don't hold with his extremist anti-American stance, but it's
your fault: you Americans sit and watch what goes on between us and Iraq
and do nothing to help us. You won't get a thing from Iran until you
start moving about and supply us what we need."
At this point, however, Rohani admitted: "It should be clear to you that
what I said now is what Rafsanjani demands I say. If I will not do so,
it will be the end of me. Of late, we're led by extremists such as
Khomeini and his son. I'm surrounded by guards. I want nothing to
myself, least of all money, as I can't spend it in my position: it would
draw suspicion. I'm seeking what's best for my country. You should know
who you are dealing with."
"If you analyze Khomeini's character you'll see that a strong opponent
makes him go 100 feet back; while a weak one impels him to drive
forward. Unfortunately, you've taken the wrong stance: you are too soft
on him. Had you been tougher, you'd be in a position of superiority. You
didn't show power."
All the moderates in my country are walking a thin line. We can't meet
with you every week. Not even every month. We are ready for a real
cooperation with you, but first you'll have to help us nurture the true
Islam in our country, and for that we need your money and assistance to
finish the war with Iraq."
Nir: I thank you for your honesty. No one will learn of this
conversation. Only two persons in my country know about it. Yet you
should know that we come with an open mind and an open heart to all
concerns Iran. We shouldn't delve on past mistakes, yours or ours. We
must look forward. It's clear Iran has no future unless it reconnects
with the West. Just as it's clear we are intensely invested in the
Iranian issue. We have great respect for the Iranian people. We have
great respect for the Iranian revolution. But we wish to help you, the
moderates, to help yourselves. Tell me what you think is necessary and
I'll see what we can do."
"First and foremost you should stand strong against Khomeini; maintain a hard line," Rohani said.
Nir: "Lebanon, for instance, is one front where we'll try to stymie Khomeini's line. We'll do it immediately.
Rohani: "This is good. The Ayatollahs and the Revolutionary Guards sent
about $3 million to Lebanon, while we in Iran barely have money for the
most urgent sustenance and security needs. They gathered all the
Lebanese mullahs and promised them to turn Lebanon into an Islamic
republic. What nonsense! I tried to stop this but couldn't. Unless you
show your teeth against Khomeini you'll have trouble all over the world.
If you threaten him with your military might he'll kiss your hand and
run away."
Nir: "Where should we display our power?"
Rohani: "If, for instance, you tell him 'You must release all the war
prisoners in Lebanon within five days. Should you fail to do so, we'll
launch a military strike against you and you'll shoulder the blame.'"
Nir: "We're an empire. At times, we're slow. But you've seen how we
acted in Libya. But we believe that use of force would drive Iran into
the hands of the Russians."
Rohani: "You should resort to Muslim propaganda against Khomeini through Pakistan and Turkey." (As the US is doing today).
At this point Nir announces he's going to the bathroom. He flips the
tape in the recording device and returns to the room. The conversation
turns to issues of regional strategy; it is clear Nir and Rohani have
found a common language.
As the meeting approached close, Nir inquired "how can we help those in
Iran who believe its future lies in an alliance with the West?"
Rohani: "You could write a book on the subject. But the best way would
be that I return to Iran and speak with people close to Ayatollah
Montazeri. We'll work out a plan and I'll return to you with an answer.
But I want to know you're serious. I don't believe you really want to
help us. While Khomeini and his people are strong there will be no
rapprochement with the West."
This is where the cat got out of the bag. At that time Ayatollah
Montazeri was the main candidate to inherit the mantle of the terminally
ill Khomeini. He was the architect of the contacts with Israel and the
US. Rohani apparently tried to help Montazeri in the power struggles
that were, and still are, taking place within Iranian leadership.
Yet none of Rohani's plans came to fruition, as the Irangate scandal
broke out, which put an end to Montazeri's ambitions and Rohani's
efforts to promote him. After Khomeini's death the Ayatollahs appointed
extremist Ali Khamenei – who rules the country to this very day – as his
successor.
Amiram Nir quit his post after the Irangate scandal, and took a career
turn toward business. He was killed in 1988 in a helicopter accident in
Mexico, and some claimed he paid with his life for knowing too much
about the involvement of George Bush Sr. in the weapons scandal.
http://www.chroniques-persanes.com/2013_06_01_archive.html